Tsipras’ landslide victory. For the Greeks we shall see

He won back the elections (eight months after the previous ones and two months after the referendum on the EU plan on “aid in exchange for reforms”), transforming the parliamentary vote in a plebiscite about himself. He defeated the political opposition (center-right and center-left) thanks to a campaign that denied the original “no austerity” promises that brough him to power. He defeated internal opponents that merged into a new party that failed to exceed the 3% threshold, now left with no seat in Parliament. Alexis Tsipras thus returns to the helm of the Greek government with the same coalition that brought together Syriza’s extreme-left (145 seats) and Anel’s nationalistic right (10 seat), thereby chairing a majority with 155 seats out of 300 in Athens’ parliamentary assembly. These are the facts. But Greece’s elections say much more. Starting with – needless say – a growing divide, separating citizens and the corridors of power, and perhaps also separating Syriza and the voters. In fact, just over half of eligible voters went to the polls, with an abstention rate that in just few months grew by 10 percentage points, which shows that even the Greeks, like the voters of almost all European countries, don’t consider their democratic electoral participation decisive. As was confirmed by Msgr. Papamanolis Francis, president of Greek Catholic bishops: “The abstention rate is impressive”. It “highlights the degree to which the people distrust politicians as well as their desperate view of the country’s future”. Second, it may be said that while Tsipras won the elections with flying colours, strengthening his political power thanks to popular consensus, the economic situation remains the same. Debts linger on, the Country’s delays don’t just vanish, and migration flows continue… In other words, the elections per se didn’t solve any of Greece’s problems. Tsipras has no other option than to implement the reforms he had promised long ago (to his citizens, to the EU, to international creditors), signed in July at European level to obtain the necessary funds to avoid default. A reminder came immediately from Donald Tusk, President of the European Council: “Many of the challenges faced by the European Union as a whole are the same of Greece”, including “the refugee crisis and the creation of sustainable growth. I am confident that the new government will contribute constructively to finding solutions” to these problems. Tusk said he hopes the vote “will ensure the political stability required” to implement reforms and to ensure the social and economic recovery of Greece. Moreover, Alexis Tsipras has displayed a deep knowledge of the Greek people. He resigned at the end of August in order to obtain a solid mandate. And he met that challenge. This is good point in favour to govern the country – if he wishes -authoritatively and efficiently. But since the 20-September vote two questions remain unanswered. In fact, the recent Greek elections gained far less international attention than the previous ones. It was not a major item in EU institutional seats, while it didn’t hit the headlines in German, French, British, Polish and Nordic Countries’ press. It could be a sign roughly indicating that Greece is starting to become an “earworm”, towards which the involvement, the benevolence, the patience (of other European countries’ governments, community institutions, creditors, national opinion-makers) could peter out. Finally, there’s a question, which is also a warning that extends beyond the Pireaus. Greek voters did not encourage anti-Europeanists or “no-euro” parties, yet they expressed support to the radical-right and the radical-left. What has happened to the centre? Put together, Nea Dimokratia, Pasok and To Potami have registered poor outcomes, while Syriza, the neo-Fascist Golden Dawn and other nationalistic and populist movements secured high electoral consensus. As known, modern politics – supported by the media and by the web – aims to exasperate positions, to “personalize” electoral battles and thus to polarise citizens’ decisions. This has been the case over the past years in many other European countries. And now, what will happen next in Spain, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, in the Czech Republic or in any other corner of the Old Continent?